World War I Background
General Background to World War I—European History, 1871 to 1914: A very brief overview
The period from 1815-1914 is often referred to as the “Hundred Years’ Peace,” or “Pax Britannica.” From the end of the Napoleonic Wars at Waterloo in 1815 until the outbreak of war in 1914, Europe found itself relatively at peace. Compared with the long series of wars that had preceded 1815 and the carnage of the 20th century, it is not an unfair assessment. Beginning around 1870, however, events began to evolve in ways that threatened the long-standing peace, and a long slide toward eventual conflict began, though it was far from apparent at the time. Indeed, following the wars of German unification of the 1860s and the Prussian defeat of France in 1870-71, the rise of the remarkable statesman, Prince Otto von Bismarck of Prussia, seemed to promise a period of, if not permanent, then certainly long-lasting peace. Through wily manipulation of power (what he called Realpolitik) and skillful diplomacy, Bismarck created an alliance system that, although built on a condition of international tension, was nevertheless quite stable.
Through a series of treaties, conferences and diplomatic exchanges, most of which were conducted under varying degrees of secrecy, Bismarck carefully built his structure, knowing all the while that underneath it was fragile and indeed might well be upset someday. (He predicted that if and when it fell apart it would be due to “some damned foolishness in the Balkans,” and in fact he was right, though the “damned foolishness, an assassination,” happened some 20 years after his death.)
Part of the problems for Bismarck and the statesmen who followed him was that industry had begun to revolutionize the World by 1871. Following the American Civil war, with new weapons and techniques, it was clear that railroads, steamships, and other industrial advances were going to reshape not only war but defense policies and preparations for war as well. International economics—manufacturing, agriculture and trade—were becoming more complicated and more centralized, and unified nations brought a new and sharper edge to international competitiveness than had been true in more relaxed times. Competition also existed among rival political philosophies, from communism and socialism on one end of the spectrum to classical capitalism supported by more or less democratic regimes on the other. These competing ideas often co-existed within nations, not always completely peacefully. The world, in short, grew far more complicated as well as more dangerous between 1871 and 1914, as unparalleled industrial, economic and population growth and shifting demographics dominated the international scene. Science was opening new doors, urbanization was changing national landscapes, and huge migrations of peoples were altering the character of nations like the U.S.
Summary of Events: (Note: For History 122 you should be generally familiar with the complicated state of affairs but will not be responsible for the details.)
“Once the wheels of mobilization began to turn, no brake could retard them, no wheel could steer them.”
—Sir Basil Henry Liddell Hart, Military Historian. |
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“Militarism gone mad”
—Woodrow Wilson. |
1914 Events of that Fateful Year
After the Civil War Americans got busy expanding internally, with the frontier to conquer and virtually unlimited resources, they had little reason to look outward.
Americans generally had a high level of disdain for Europe, although wealthy Americans were educated and traveled there and respected European cultural achievements in art, music and literature. They felt secure from external threat because of their geographic isolation, which gave them a sense of invulnerability. (There was little to fear from neighbors in this hemisphere.) Until very late in the 19th century Americans remained essentially indifferent to foreign policy and world affairs.
What interests America did have overseas were generally focused in the Pacific and the Caribbean, where trade, transportation and communication issues got our attention. To the extent that Americans wanted to extend their influence overseas they had two primary goals: pursue favorable trade agreements and alignments and foster the spread of democratic ideals as they understood them
That isolationism that seemed to work for America began to change late in the century for a variety of reasons. First, the industrial revolution began to create challenges that required a reassessment of economic conduct. The production of greater quantities of goods, the need for additional sources of raw materials and greater markets—in general the expansive nature of capitalism—all called for Americans to begin to look outward. America had always been driven by the idea of "manifest destiny," which was at first the idea that the U.S. was to expand over the whole continent of North America. When Canada and Mexico seemed impervious to further expansion by Americans, at least there was the rest of the mainland to fill up. With the ending of the frontier and the completion of the settlement of the West (for all practical purposes) the impulse to further expansion spilled out over America’s borders.
Shortly after the end of the Civil War the U.S. Purchased Alaska and began to develop interests in the Caribbean and the Pacific in places like Hawaii, Midway, Samoa, the Virgin Islands and the Dominican Republic. A great part of the impetus for expansion came from a rather unlikely source: a naval office, Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan. Founder of the Naval War College, Captain Mahan began to write books and articles which were widely read and applauded that called for America to develop its strength on the basis of sea power, which he found to have been a decisive force in making nations and empires great and long lasting throughout history. He wrote a number of books based on the theme of The Influence of Sea Power Upon History. Mahan’s basic idea was that to remain great and strong in an ever more competitive world, America needed a powerful maritime force, both naval and commercial, and an overseas infrastructure of bases, coaling stations and the like to support a powerful fleet in the age of iron and steam. Mahan did not confine his thoughts strictly to naval matters, but also brought in idea relating to the expansion of commercial interests and overseas markets for American goods, developed under the aegis of naval might.
Mahan’s ideas, which were compatible with the popularized notions of social Darwinism (maritime nations were among the fittest and therefore could and should survive), were not the only ideas that propelled Americans’ thoughts beyond her borders. The missionary spirit was still strong in America, and many felt that the spreading of Christianity went nicely with the concept of spreading democracy. Inherent in this view was a clearly racist streak of thought which maintained that the European races (and particularly the Anglo-Saxon race) were inherently superior and had the right if not the obligation to spread their beneficial influence all over the world to less fortunate peoples. Furthermore, even if Americans had reservations about these expansionist ideas, as many did, their doubts were often tempered by the fact that everybody seemed to be doing it. This was the age of so-called neo-imperialism, when the European powers seemed bent on gobbling up all the underdeveloped areas of the world and turning them into colonies for military, commercial or political purposes.
A final piece of this newly evolving American foreign policy was a renewed confidence in the essential idea of the Monroe Doctrine—that the United States was the gate keeper and protector of the Western Hemisphere. What would eventually become the Roosevelt Corollary was established by 1900—that we had the final say in controlling all the territory from the Atlantic to the Pacific Coast in North and South America.